La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)


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Herding may have been relatively important.

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Long after the meeting H. Bongenaar told me that he is convinced that to persons seriously overrates the personnel of the temple in the countryside, notably because I include the prebendaries in the town in the personnel of which there are several times as many outside, which he does not. His figure is This does not affect my way of reasoning, actually supports it.

In an agrarian society most people will live close to their land and settlements that are exclusively agrarian can be regarded as villages, though it is difficult to draw a line between what is a town and what is a village. The arbitrary distinction that a settlement of more than 10 ha26 can be called a town is no more than that and it does not imply that most inhabitants did not live off the land which is within immediate reach. In view of the fact that most people live in villages the minimal nature of the available evidence is striking.

Yet the village is of considerable importance for the inhabitants. The status of the village determines how the villager has access to the land from which he or she lives. A village of which the inhabitants live from subsistence agriculture will not easily appear in the Ancient Mesopotamian documentation. In the third millennium institutional archives the village is not very visible. It is hidden behind the.

DUB or KI. RA, silo and threshing floor, which are for the bureaucrats of LagaS and Umma the more visible structures in the countryside on which, with the fields, the administration is based. RA consists of a number of plough teams of unequal size and structure which each represent a number of families, who more often than not will also be related to one another. Institutional agricultural production is family based, even though that is not explicitly indicated by the texts.

The Ur III plough team is not the neat four men construct of the NB period, it is rather what the family can provide in male persons capable of doing work. The unequal strength of Akkad period teams indicates differences in work load, whether this is also the fact for the Ur teams needs investigation. That the nominal workloads differ is certain, but the net effect is not so clear. In the "round tablets"27 too much land, that is much more than the seven BZTR mentioned, means that it cannot be worked and has no yield.


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The plough team and the village fulfil the important role of coping with the consequences of the fact that every family passes through a natural cycle which affects the relation between the number of workers and non-workers. This is an important fact to which any agricultural society will have to find an answer. The Northern village will not be considered here, it has to wait until spring when the third MOS symposium will deal with Northern agriculture. But in the North the village is much more recognisable than in the South where threshing floors, silo's, plough teams and date plantations hide it.

For the question of the institutional versus the noninstitutional agriculture the owner of the individual village is of crucial importance. Though the information is of limited scope, it is evident that not all villages where institutionally owned.


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  7. Adams, Heartland of Cities, Chicago , Maekawa, ASJ 4 , text Individual villages A. Sagub: the Mesag estate28 Steinkeller-Postgate 35 locates at least one of the holdings of the Mesag estate in Sagub, which belongs to the LagaS area.

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    The text deals with seed and fodder provided to six persons who can be identified as the heads of plough teams and who return, at least some of them, in BIN 8 , where seed, fodder and rations of six teams are listed in a sadly damaged text. BIN 8 , and have been studied by Foster apud Weiss, Of these texts only BIN 8 preserves the complete passage concerned.

    In BIN 8 we have In all three cases we can, perhaps, expect that some of the women and all the older girls of the plough team families worked in other estate departments. This suggests that the actual workload for a plough team is about 7 BUR, which equals the practical obligations of an Ur ID team.

    However, BIN 8 is sufficiently well preserved to notice that an ordinary team consists of four men or three men and a boy plus one woman, but the fourth and fifth teams consist of more people: respectively 5 men, 2 boys and 3 women and 8 men, 1 boy and 2 women. Team 4 is one of the big teams, if we assume that teams 4 and 5 each get 14 kor and the others 7 each, we arrive at the total of 56 kor given.

    This type of reasoning finds support in Steinkeller-Postgate 35 where out of the six teams numbers one and three receive about double the amount the others get.

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    As they use seven kor in seed and fodder combined 28 B. Bridges, The Mesag archive, diss. Yale ; B. Foster in H.

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    Steinkeller and J. Older girls are not listed. In BIN 8 the passage on the personnel is incomplete, but we have 46 men, 19 women, 7 elder boys and an unknown number of smaller children. Not unexpectedly there are more persons than those immediately needed for the teams. The low number of women, unless it indicates high female mortality, suggests employment for another account. Foster, BiOr 40 , This is the amount mentioned in BIN 8 We must revise our opinion that an Akkad period team tills 7 BUR, based on Steinkeller-Postgate 35, as two of the six teams have double capacity.

    The estate directly employs about 32 men and boys and 8 women in the village plough teams. This suggests that there is at any rate a considerable additional female labour force in the village. If that had to be tilled in the same year it would require 40 teams.


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    If this constituted Mesag's private assets he would be a considerable landholder. But there are many difficulties. Foster has analysed BIN 8 , and apud Weiss. A in BIN 8 and cannot be brought into a meaningful relation. Anyhow Mesag's holdings in Sagub makes this village one of the best documented, even though the juridical status of the relationship between Mesag and the village remains unclear.

    His is not a fixed income but a share which finally depends on the results. DuZabara: "private" estates and sustenancefields The activities of Ur-Meme in DuSabara have been considered several times and they can hardly be regarded as strictly private.

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    In BIN 8 we would have 46 men in 6. This type of estate had ample manpower. Foster apud Weiss, quoting an unpublished text. There is something artificial to some of the texts, which puts them in the sphere of "planning". Yale , NBC For the various fields BIN 8 , , , , , , , , , , etc. NATN contains a frequently occurring Urnma field name. Though obviously located in the Girsu ambience, many texts are dated to months belonging to the "Reichskalender", but the texts are published in a context which makes Nippur almost certainly the place of origin. The attribution of certain of the texts to the Drehem and LagaS collections in Istanbul is unproblematic in view of the "rationalistic" procedures applied and perhaps other problems in the Istanbul collection.

    Perhaps we can regard Ur-Meme as an administrator who is put in charge of agricultural estates which suddenly become available and the status of which needed to be sorted out. The importance of the DuSabaraLJr-Memegroup is that it shows that this type of appanage-like private estates is run along the same lines observed in the institutional estates under the responsibility of the ENSI'S of Umma and Lagag, while also indicating the manner in which private and official affairs are inextricably intertwined.

    Ur-Meme rents land and provides credit. The contracts concerning the renting of land have been studied by F. Kraus and H.

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    These persons transfer their fields to Ur-Meme, who is in the position to provide credit,40 and by inference, has at his command the means to exploit the fields even though they are far from his presumed home-base in Nippur. If these scribes really have an agrarian background it is remarkable that even they prefer to lease their land to someone else.

    As Kraus has pointed out UrMeme here operates in a military context. NA, probably the person who is in charge of the plough team which is responsible for the cultivation of the SUKU fields, is a frequent witness in the Ur-Meme contracts. This gives those capable of providing credit their edge. This is probably a recurrent theme. The availability of credit, however onerous, but therefore with an ever increasing grip, probably also ties the institutional personnel to the institution.

    The Larsa "Balmunamhe"villages T. Breckwoldt has recently discussed a group of texts which deal with barley produced in a group of villages in the neighbourhood of Larsa in the years RS 4 to Breckwoldt is not very forthcoming on the status of this group of texts. The question of the status of the texts has been touched upon by Van de Mieroop43 in his article on the Balmunambe archive, where YOS 8 42 IX RS 23, later than the administrative texts is taken as confirming the rights of the Balmunambe family to the dimtu named after him.

    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)
    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)
    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)
    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)
    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)
    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)
    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)
    La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition) La Princesse de Qirib: La Saga de Zeï, T1 (French Edition)

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